(C) Copyright of Prabuddha Biswas
INTRODUCTION
The
modern day Chhath festival has emerged as the most reverred and popular
community festival of Bihar, in which all strata of the society participate
with equal zeal and sincerity though with many new manifestations and
amendments. But the worship of Sun God, which constitutes the essence of
Bihar’s most reverred Chhath festival, has been prevalent in the Magadh region
and in other parts Bihar for millennia.
THE
EARLIEST SYMBOLIC MANIFESTATION
Initially,
SUN and WATER were depicted through symbols and then came the figurative
manifestation. In Indian art, the depiction of SUN started with WHEEL and
CHAKRA.
THE EARLIEST FIGURATIVE MANIFESTATION OF ‘THE SUN GOD’ IN THE MAGADH
REGION
The
figurative manifestation of the SUN GOD in Bihar region was revealed during the
SAKA-KUSHANA period in two places (i) in terracotta plaque, exposed in the
Neolithic site of CHIRAND and (ii) in Mahabodhi Temple stone-Pillars of
Bodhgaya, according to historian Dr. Arvind Mahajan of the Directorate of
Museums. Whereas, the Chirand-plaque is slightly earlier; but the Mahabodhi Sun
figure is of the later times.
“The SUN GOD was seen for the first time in a
one-wheeled chariot drawn by four horses. ARUN as Sun God’s charioteer
(Sarathi) is handicapped and is sitting between the legs of the Sun God. The
SUN GOD is seen in full action, throwing arrows with his bow and accompanied by
both his wives, USHA and PRATYUSHA. The ‘bow and arrow’ of the SUN GOD symbolise
the wiping out of darkness and the four horses resemble four directions; i.e.
east, west, north and south respectively,” according to Social Scientist
Prafulla Kumar Singh Maun, as revealed to me many years ago.
[HUMAN MANIFESTATION OF SUN-GOD IN MAHABODHI RAILINGS]
In
the later period one could observe increase in number of assistants of the Sun
God which include seven horses, seven colours (colours of rainbow), two
attendants DANDI and PINGAL among others.
THE EARLIEST
USE OF ‘FIRE’ BY THE PRIMITIVE MAN AND ITS LINKAGE WITH THE ‘SUN – THE ETERNAL
SOURCE OF FIRE’
The
FIRE and its use in the ‘Human Society’ has got a direct linkage. The PRIMITIVE
MAN, while USING THE FIRE, in its day to day activity; visualized the SUN GOD
in the sky as the ETERNAL SOURCE OF FIRE.
The
earliest evidence of the ‘Use of FIRE’, in the World
arena, was initiated by stone age people about 3,50,000 years ago with
the utilisation of flint tools, which were used for scraping and cutting meat.
Later,
the role of FIRE had expanded in the Neolithic settlements and early village
communities, throughout the world; who wanted to increase the settlement areas
and agricultural fields by burning forests.
SIGNIFICANCE
AND THE ROLE OF ‘FIRE (AGNI)’ IN THE RIG VEDIC ENVIRONMENT
The
most important male divinities of Rig Vedic Aryans were INDRA, AGNI (FIRE),
VARUNA and SURYA respectively. When semi-nomadic and semi-pastoral Aryans
entered India from the North-west during 1500 BC, the
upper portion of Sindhu region was covered under forest cover whose density further
increased as one moved further east in the Gangetic ARYAVARTA due to ‘more
rain-fed zone’. Initially, forests were burnt down to build new settlements.
Hence,
the role of AGNI had a great importance in the eyes of Rig-Vedic people and
AGNI (FIRE) emerged as the very important divinity during 1500 – 1000 BC. AGNI
acted as a kind of intermediary between the GODS on the one hand and PEOPLE on
the other. The ‘oblations’ offered to ‘AGNI’ were supposed to be carried in the
form of smoke to the SKY and thus transmitted to GODS among whom, SUN (ETERNAL
FIRE) was the foremost divinity.
EMERGENCE
AND INTEGRATION OF ‘SUN GOD’ IN RIG VEDIC PANTHEON
RIG
VEDA mentions two principal thoughts; - (i) the living beings get ‘life or
energy’ from the SUN and (ii) ‘Sustenance’ from WATER. Hence the SUN GOD had
‘ARYAN antiquity’, who emerged and integrated in the RIG VEDIC PANTHEON during
1500 – 1000 BC.
USE
OF FIRE IN CLEARING THE FORESTS IN GANGETIC ARYAVARTA DURING 1000 BC – 600 BC
Unlike
the Sapta-Sindhu region of Rig Vedic Society, the Gangetic plain of ARYAVARTA
(North India) had been under ‘more dense and deep forest cover’. In the later
Vedic phases (1000 BC – 600 BC), the semi-nomadic Rig-Vedic people started
coming from the North-west and got settled in the Gangetic Aryavarta as
dispersed village communities. Slowly and gradually, they got transformed into
village peasantry and continuous new settlements emerged out, one after the
other, from west towards east, by burning and clearing forests.
With
most of the forests already burned, AGNI and SUN had lost their importance in the Late Vedic Society; and
were replaced by the emergence and popularization of new divinities like
BRAHMA, VISHNU and MAHESHWAR.
EXTENSION
OF THE ‘USE OF FIRE’ IN CLEARING FORESTS IN THE BIHAR REGION, 600 BC ONWRADS
Though
the role of FIRE got minimized in ARYAVARTA (present day Uttar Pradesh) after
the Late Vedic Phase (1000 - 600 BC); but its use increased, further east, in
the Bihar region; 600 BC onwards as new settlements emerged out in the MAGADH
and other parts of Bihar.
THE CONTINUING
RELEVANCE OF THE ‘FIRE CULT’ AND THE ‘SUN GOD’ IN THE BIHAR REGION, 600 BC
ONWARDS
Though
the inter-linkage of FIRE and the SUN (as the ‘ETERNAL FIRE’) had lost its
significance after 600 BC among BRAHMANICAL PANTHEON in the ARYAVARTA
region; but both the ‘FIRE CULT’ and the ‘WORSHIP OF SUN GOD’ had
remained relevant in central Gangetic plains of Bihar in general and MAGADH
region in particular.
PRE-HISTORIC
ROCK SETTLEMENTS OF SOUTH BIHAR AND NORTHERN JHARKHAND
The
pre-historic settlements of the hilly and the jungle terrain of South Bihar
regions and Northern Jharkhand were the source of the sustenance for NATURE
WORSHIPERS, including the followers of the SUN/FIRE CULT. In recent times,
more than 42 rock shelters/cave settlements belonging to the pre-historic as
well as early historic period have been deciphered in the districts of Nawada,
Jamui, Giridih and Jamui districts respectively.
SIGNIFICANCE
OF TARADIH EXCAVATION
In
the TARADIH excavations of Bodhgaya, the settlement has been unearthed,
revealing artifacts since the NEOLITHIC period. Interestingly, several FIRE
PITS have been found which also justify the worship of FIRE/SUN GOD as
continuity since pre-historic times.
THE
STORY OF THREE KASSAPA BROTHERS IN BUDDHIST SCRIPTURES
The Buddhist
literature describes the SACRED COMPLEX of HINDU GAYA, where resided the followers
of three ascetics; namely NADI, GAYA AND URUVELA respectively.
Significantly,
NADI KASSAPA, GAYA KASSAPA AND URUVELA KASSAPA were three brothers who were ‘FIRE
WORSHIPPERS’ and they interacted with Buddha after his arrival from SARNATH.
Later all the three brothers became followers of Gautam Buddha along with their
thousands of followers.
THE
ARYANISATION OF THE MAGADH REGION
The ‘ARYANISATION
of the MAGADH REGION, since 600 BC, simply superimposed the Rig Vedic (1500 –
1000 BC) concept over the LOCAL TRADITION of the SUN/FIRE CULT in the area.
The
first manifestation of the SUN GOD in the Mahabodhi pillars of Bodhgaya in the
art form during SAKA-KUSHAN period is thus natural. As such, we also find ‘SUN
GOD’ appearing on KUSHAN COINS during 200-300 AD.
THE
SUBSEQUENT RAPID URBANISATION OF THE MAGADH REGION
The
rapid march of Magadh Empire during 600 BC and the subsequent rapid urbanization
of the Magadh region; further regenerated and popularized the local
prehistoric Sun/Fire cult among the urban gentry and the ruling elite of the Magadh
region.
THE LINKAGE
BETWEEN WORSHIP OF SUN GOD AND THE MOTHER GODDESS
This
is to be noted that the worship of the Mother Goddess is associated with the
‘fertility cult’, which had its origin in primitive agricultural societies of
the world. Discovery of idols of Mother Goddess in various matured forms at the
sites of the Indus Valley Civilization prove beyond doubt that the worship of
Mother Goddess has been very popular in India from pre-historic times.
The
Mahabodhi Pillars of SAKA KUSHAN times have revealed two distinct images carved
out of stone; - (i) THE SUN GOD and (ii) THE PRIMORDIAL MOTHER GODDESS.
Whereas
the image of the SUN GOD was conceived during the Rig Vedic phase but the
PRIMORDIAL MOTHER GODDESS was still in the pristine form, as the RIVER GODDESS
and was conceived from the FOLK TRADITIONS of ARYAVARTA.
With
the evolution and the advancement of the agrarian economy in ARYAVARTA, the worship
of MOTHER GODDESS emerged as the most popular form of worship in the folk
tradition.
The
RIVER GODDESS was slowly evolved in the mindset of the village communities of
ARYAVARTA during LATE VEDIC PHASE (1000 – 600 BC). The concept of the RIVER
GODDESS of ARYAVARTA travelled far and wide during 600 BC to 300 AD from the North
west India to the Eastern India in the Indo-Gangetic belt and was very popular
among the people of the time in general and the village communities in
particular.
THE IMAGE
OF RIVER GODDESS IN MAHABODHI PILLAR
Here,
the RIVER GODDESS is sitting on GHATA (vase or Kalash) and black-clouds
representing two elephants, pouring water on her head by their trunks,
signifying heavy downpour during rainy season. Later, the RIVER GODDESS had
been identified as the GAJA LAKSHMI form of GODDESS LAKSHMI in the Brahmanical
pantheon but it also survived in its pristine form, in the folk tradition of Magadh
(in particular) and Bihar (in general) in the form of CHHATH PUJA.
Interestingly, the most significant utensils used on the occasion of CHHAT PUJA are a HOLY POT (KALASH) and the CHATURMUKH DWIP. The HOLY POT signifies the MOTHER EARTH or MOTHER GODDESS, which proves beyond doubt, the inter linkage between the SUN GOD (male divinity) and the MOTHER GODDESS (female divinity).
THE
CHHATH PUJA IS DIRECTLY ROOTED TO THE WELL BEING OF THE AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY
The
CHHATH PUJA is directly rooted to the well being of the agricultural society as
the WORSHIP OF SUN GOD is directly related with the harvesting season of two major
crops of Bihar; (i) KHARIF and (ii) RABI CROPS. The harvesting time KHARIF CROPs
are the month of KARTIK (October-November); and the
harvesting time of RABI CROPS are the month of CHAITRA (March-April).
Significantly,
the WORSHIP OF SUN GOD in the form of CHHATH PUJA is performed in the month of
KARTIK and CHAITRA months in which SEASONAL FRUITS AND VEGETABLES are needed
signifying the direct involvement of the local people and village communities
of rural Bihar.
WHY IS THE ‘DALA CHHATH’ OF ‘KARTIK MONTH’, MORE POPULAR IN MAGADH
Significantly,
the north Bihar performs both CHHATH festivals in substantial numbers but the
people of Magadh and South Bihar prefer to celebrate CHHATH during KARTIK MONTH,
as it is more popular there.
The reason
behind its popularity, during Kartik Month in South Bihar, is related with the landscape of the region.
(i) The
Magadh region is distributed with the rugged and rocky topography of Chotanagpur
plateau and Kaimur hills in the south, which dries up most of the regions and makes
the summer months, very unbearable. As a result, the village community cannot
enjoy the CHAITRA CHHATH as community festival.
(ii) After the onset of rainy season; the topography of the
Magadh region is very much prone to flash floods and the seasonal discharge of
water from peninsular rivers which help artificial tanks and water bodies to
fully feed the Kharif crops bring money and affluence for the South Bihar villagers.
(iii) More over, the month of KARTIK SEASON
followed by upcoming winter seasons makes the topography of MAGADH AND SOUTH
BIHAR, very conducive for the COMMUNITY FESTIVAL LIKE CHHATH DURING KARTIK
MONTHS.
THE
UNIQUE FEATURE OF THE CHHATH FESTIVAL
(i)
Unlike any other
religious festival of the Brahmanical pantheon, CHHATH PUJA could not be
hijacked by the priestly class, which has made it a UNIQUE FESTIVAL. There is the
direct communication of the ‘Devotee with Almighty’.
(ii)
Yet, the pristine
purity of the MOTHER GODDESS is still been reflected as we can still feel the
earthen touch of the folk tradition of the ‘RIVER GODDESS’ which was conceived
during the late Vedic phase and was carved in rock in the human form during
SAKA-KUSHAN times in the MAHABODHI PILLARS OF BODHGAYA.
(iii)
Furthermore, the
CHHATH PUJA festival has been show-cased permanently with the folk tradition as
it has been tagged with the harvesting season of KHARIF AND RAVI CROPS of Bihar
region.
(iv)
Ultimately, the
driving force of the CHHATH PUJA FESTIVAL is not the priestly class of the Indian
Classical tradition; but the ‘millions of village gentry and peasantry of the
folk tradition of Bihar’; who are the real sustainer of the RURAL ECONOMY OF
BIHAR.
(v)
The village gentry
and peasantry of the folk tradition; carrying forward ‘the CHHATH PUJA tradition’
with utmost faith and reverence to the MOTHER EARTH AND THE SUN GOD.
THE
PRESENT FORM OF CHHATH PUJA WAS CONCEIVED DURING THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD
The
various aspects of CHHATH PUJA got crystallized with the stabilization of the
medieval period as we can see the devotees urge the Sun God to provide them
GOOD HEALTH, MALE PROGENY AND WEALTH (good harvest and monetary gain), a
general urge for all classes of the AGRARIAN FEUDAL SOCIETY of the Central
Gangetic Plain of Bihar.
SUN
TEMPLES IN BIHAR
(1) The oldest Sun Temple in India has been traced in
three places, which include Matang Mandir (Kashmir), Konark Temple (Odisha) and
Deo Mandir (Aurangabad, Bihar) and all the three were installed and built in
the post Gupta period.
(2) There are several Medieval Sun Temples in South Bihar
and Northern Jharkhand as for e.g. Akbarpur, Dapthu, Deo, Deo-Barunark, Deoghar,
Deo-Markandeya, Gaya, Nalanda, Ongari, Pawapuri, Punarak, Rajgir, Shahpur,
Telkupi, Umga among others.
(3) Though there is
only one Sun Temple in the North Bihar (Kandaha Sun Temple, Saharsa), several
idols of Sun God have been found and they include Gandiv Ishwar (Madhubani),
Benipatti, Ashgaon – Dharampur (Darbhanga), Parsa (Madhubani), Baruni
(Begusarai), Mahisi (Saharsa), Badi Jaan (Katihar) among others.
THE
SIGNIFICANCE OF COCONUT, PAAN AND BANANAS
We
have already seen that seasonal fruits and vegetables (of the Bihar eco-system)
are needed for the CHHATH PUJA; but the only exception is COCONUT which is
known as KANCHAN PHAL.
It signifies
that COCONUT is very resistant to rotting for months due to its
sclerenchymatous outer cover and can be safely transported from one part of the
country to another. In the ancient and the medieval period COCONUT (but not the
Green Coconut) was very much part of Bihar’s dietary supplements.
Significantly,
BETEL LEAF (PAAN) and BANANAS had been brought from the South-east Asian
eco-system, in the ancient period, probably by Brahman and Buddhist monks but
both had been internalized in the cultural traditions of India. Both PAAN and
BANANAS predate the medieval CHHATH PUJA traditions and are essential part of
CHHATH PUJA.
MODERN
AMENDMENTS
Off
late, PINEAPPLE AND ORANGE has become part of the CHHATH PUJA ARGHA TO SUN GOD.
Incidentally,
ORANGE is a hybrid, between POMELO (Citrus maxima) and MANDARIN (Citrus
reticulata). The orange is unknown in the wild state; it is assumed to have
originated in southern China, north-eastern India, and perhaps south-eastern
Asia from ancient times but now, it is available in the market due to the availability
of rapid communication. Similarly, PINEAPPLE, a fruit of the eco-system of N.E.
states are now readily available in Bihar during DALA CHHATH OF KARTIK.
The
use of some of today’s common fruits, vegetables and pulses are not seen in use
by CHHATH devotees due to their origin from other Eco-systems like potatoes (Latin America),
Onion (Central Asia), Apple (Central Asia), Lentil (Central Asia), Cauli Flower (Syria and Europe), Cabbage (Mediterranean countries) among others.
Instead, the local edibles are in use as for e.g. SWEET POTATO, SINGHARA, POMELO,
BENGAL GRAM (CHANA DAL), TURMERIC SAPLINGS among others.
The
JAGGERY (GUR) from Suger-cane is the traditional sweetener of
Indian cultural tradition, which is essential part of CHHATH PUJA FESTIVAL AND
ITS CUISINES but now some devotees also utilize the SUGAR CRYSTALS, popularised by English colonial
masters by opening Sugar Mills in the North Bihar and elsewhere during the
early decades of twentieth century.
With
the population explosion and introduction of modern life style, the CHHATH
FESTIVAL has found out its way to city’s roof tops in the make-shift artificial
pools also. With the population migration, CHHATH festival has transcended the
geographical region of Bihar in other parts of the country and abroad.
INFERENCE
But
the SPIRIT OF CHHATH still remains in its PRISTINE PURITY, DOWN TO THE EARTH
AND TRULY A COMMUNITY FESTIVAL OF ONE AND ALL, REVERRED BY MILLIONS; WHERE ‘DEVOTEE,
DIRECTLY COMMUNICATES WITH ALMIGHTY’ without the involvement and interference
of the priestly class.
(C) Copyright of Prabuddha Biswas
